The new Indonesian President uses his online persona as ‘cuddly grandpa’ to cover up a darker past
Alia Fariza, an Indonesian student studying in the UK, was weary when entering her overseas ballot for the 2024 Indonesian General Elections. The most popular candidate was Prabowo Subianto, a man accused of covering up human rights abuses by rebranding himself on social media.
Prabowo, 72, is a retired military commander and the former son-in-law of Suharto, the dictator who ruled Indonesia from 1968 to 1988. Troops under Prabowo’s command were said to have abducted and tortured pro-democracy activists, as well as ethnic minorities in East Timor and Papua. He was briefly banned from the United States for these alleged crimes.
“There were suspicions that he [Prabowo] was behind the kidnapping of students protesting the Suharto regime in 1997-1998. It was something I kept in consideration while voting,” says Alia.
Despite an apparent dark past, Prabowo was elected president of Indonesia, the world’s third-largest democracy, in February.
@prabowosubianto08 Terimakasih atas sambutannya kader Partai Golkar dan masyarakat Kabupaten Bogor yang sudah hadir.✌️
His recent campaign was his third attempt at the presidency since 2014, and saw him seemingly successfully transformed into what people are calling a “cuddly grandpa”. He shuffled his feet on stage to the tune of bouncing pop music, dancing alongside cute cartoon mascot versions of himself. Followers described his routine as “gemoy” – a slang term meaning “adorable”, akin to a plush toy or small animal.
“[His social media activity] seemed designed to show that Prabowo is funny and can connect with young people,” says Alia. “I feel the dancing is to counteract the stigma that he is intimidating and authoritarian.”
Prabowo’s newfound popularity has not only changed people’s perception of him but also of the Suharto era in general. When he referred to his family connections in his victory speech in front of a packed stadium in Jakarta, the crowd erupted.
“I don’t know if they forgot who Suharto was, but they welcomed the sight of the family,” says Resty Yuniar, a Jakarta-based journalist. “On TikTok, we saw old videos of Prabowo when he was still a military man with his family. People liked that Prabowo was part of the family. They dressed nice, they looked important.”
Indonesia is not the only Southeast Asian country to see a political dynasty return with an online rebranding. The 2022 Filipino election saw Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son of the former Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and known by his nickname Bongbong, elected as president.
For his campaign, Bongbong rarely engaged with mainstream media. Instead, he used a pre-existing following on social media platforms like Instagram and worked with influencers, whom he referred to as his “army of trolls”, to produce disinformation. They portrayed his father’s reign – a martial law regime marked by violence and oppression – as a “golden age”.
Jean Encinas-Franco, a professor of political science at the University of the Philippines Diliman, says “many of his hired vloggers said Marcos Sr. was responsible for the economic growth of the 1960s but that was not accurate. There was one account that says the presidency of Marcos Jr. was prophesied by Nostradamus. It was then I knew he was going to win. These videos had so many likes, people believed it.”
Both Indonesia and the Philippines have a high number of younger voters, many of whom use social media as their main news source.
Kennedy Muslim, senior researcher at Indikator Politik Indonesia, said that modern social media has made it very easy for these populist politicians to gain popularity. This is not only because the platforms create an echo chamber by constantly recommending similar posts, but also because websites like TikTok make it easier for users to go viral by creating content on trending subjects.
For many Southeast Asian countries, democracy is still a new concept. Following its various 20th-century independence movements, the region has often been ruled by family dynasties, with the children of authoritarian leaders themselves taking office and implementing their own undemocratic policies.
“Prabowo’s campaign highlighted the issue of democracy and corruption, but people don’t care,” adds Muslim. “For them, democracy is a tool to reach economic well-being. Prabowo makes fun videos and has promised to continue the policies of Jokowi [his predecessor]. People like Jokowi’s policies so they like Prabowo. Bringing up democracy issues just doesn’t have resonance with the Indonesian population.”
This is supported by a study conducted by Muslim and political science professor Burhanuddin Muhtadi which found a diverse cross-section of Indonesian voters supported Prabowo and followed his online content, showing little concern for his ethical controversies.
Another challenge is the lack of education about the country’s recent history. Yuniar, Franco, and Muslim all agree that a large part of Prabowo and Bongbong’s success came about because their young voter base had not been born during their countries’ former dictatorships. Even when confronted with these truths, it’s easier to deny they happened or downplay their severity, as these events are often not taught in schools or acknowledged by officials.
“I think it speaks volumes of the Indonesian government’s inability to speak about our dark past,” Yuniar says. “Instead of talking about it, like say Germany does with the Holocaust, it’s swept under the rug. I don’t blame the students for forgetting history, it hasn’t been taught well in the first place.”
Prabowo’s promise of greater prosperity to Indonesia sounds wonderful on the surface, but it might ultimately take second place to the TikTok dances for which he has become renowned.
Feature Image: Parade balloons depicting a cartoon mascot version of Prabowo and his VP Gibran during the 2023 election. Photo credit: Quinton Temby.